Author Topic: Why the Worst Get on Top (Hayek)  (Read 930 times)

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Offline sinkspur

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Why the Worst Get on Top (Hayek)
« on: May 05, 2016, 03:45:02 pm »
https://pjmedia.com/rogerkimball/2016/05/05/why-the-worst-get-on-top/

Why the Worst Get on Top


 BY ROGER KIMBALL

 MAY 5, 2016

"Perhaps the fact that we have seen millions voting themselves into complete dependence on a tyrant has made our generation understand that to choose one's government is not necessarily to secure freedom." -- Friedrich Hayek

Now that Donald Trump really is the presumptive Republican nominee, it seems appropriate to revisit that brilliant, monitory chapter “Why the Worst Get on Top” from Hayek’s great masterpiece The Road to Serfdom. The most amazing thing about the Trump phenomenon is not that he is a presumptive nominee, but that he is the presumptive Republican nominee.  The GOP has always been, at least in theory, the party that favored limited government, low taxes, individual liberty, free trade, and respect for the traditional morality.

Donald Trump is a corrupt crony capitalist who throughout his career has supported the whole menu of “progressive” causes.  Ideologically, he is much closer to the Democratic side of the aisle than to the Republican side. Indeed,  as an editorial in The Spectator notes, his views on foreign policy and the economy represent a fundamental repudiation of Reagan conservatism. Take free trade.  “The notion of international competition frightens him,” The Speccie writes.

To Trump, free trade is a system where ‘companies just think that they can move, go to another country, make their products, sell it back to us and we get only one thing: unemployment’. Jeremy Corbyn would have said the same thing, if he had the courage. Trump, like so many on the left, wants to build a wall around America not just to keep immigrants out but keep its companies in.


All this is true.  But how did it happen?  How did it happen that a man of Trump’s views collared the Republican nomination?  His huge media free ride is certainly part of the story, as is the smoldering discontent among the electorate. As I’ve had occasion to observe in this space before, the great irony is that Donald Trump represents not an alternative to that establishment but rather an ostentatious extension of it.  His relation with his golf partner and  ”texting buddy” John Boehner is just one sign of that.

For many of us, what is most troubling about Donald Trump is not his particular views or policies — much though we might disagree with them — but rather the aroma of populist demagoguery and menace that surrounds him. Take a look at the clips of his rallies: What do we want? he shouts. “A Wall,” screams the crowd.  Who’s going to pay for it? “Mexico.” Time warp: Is this the 1930s?  It’s a sensation that is heightened when Trump suggests that his fans “beat the crap out of” protestors — and don’t worry, he’ll pay for their legal expenses.

It is the possibility that we are living through such a tendency, embodied in the spirit of a character like Donald Trump, that gives anti-Trumpers such pause. Hayek describes “the position which precedes the suppression of democratic institutions and the creation of a totalitarian regime”:

In this stage it is the general demand for quick and determined government action that is the dominating element in the situation, dissatisfaction with the slow and cumbersome course of democratic procedure which makes action for action's sake the goal. It is then the man or the party who seems strong and resolute enough "to get things done" who exercises the greatest appeal ...
It is the ineffectiveness of parliamentary majorities with which people are dissatisfied. What they will seek is somebody with such solid support as to inspire confidence that he can carry out whatever he wants. It is here that the new type of party, organized on military lines, comes in.

Hayek goes on to adduce three main reasons that the worst, not the best, rise to the top in such a situation:

1. Education: “In general the higher the education and intelligence of individuals becomes, the more their views and tastes are differentiated and the less likely they are to agree on a particular hierarchy of values. It is a corollary of this that if we wish to find a high degree of uniformity and similarity of outlook, we have to descend to the regions of lower moral and intellectual standards where the more primitive and ‘common’ instincts and tastes prevail.”
 
2.  Gullibility: Strong leaders need “docile and gullible” followers “who have no strong convictions of their own but are prepared to accept a ready-made system of values if it is only drummed into their ears sufficiently loudly and frequently. It will be those whose vague and imperfectly formed ideas are easily swayed and whose passions and emotions are readily aroused who will thus swell the ranks of the totalitarian party.”

3. Scapegoats: Perhaps the most important element is a virulent Us/Them attitude towards the world. “It seems to be almost a law of human nature,” Hayek writes, “that it is easier for people to agree on a negative program, on the hatred of an enemy, on the envy of those better off, than on any positive task. The contrast between the ‘we’ and the ‘they,’ the common fight against those outside the group, seems to be an essential ingredient in any creed which will solidly knit together a group for common action. It is consequently always employed by those who seek, not merely support of a policy, but the unreserved allegiance of huge masses.”

Hayek further notes “the universal tendency of collectivist policy to become nationalistic,” which helps explain why Donald Trump’s minatory “Make America Great Again” sloganeering struck such a powerful chord among the disaffected who flocked to his corner. What Hayek calls “the competitive system” -- what we, following Marx, call “capitalism” -- is the only social-economic system yet devised that that successfully decentralizes power and minimizes the exercise of coercion by man over man. Donald Trump loudly rejects that system in favor of a species of tribal nationalism. There are plenty of other examples in history of ruling cadres successfully submerging the patient procedures of republican rule to the diktats of arbitrary control. The results have ranged from the unsatisfactory to the horrific.

« Last Edit: May 05, 2016, 03:48:00 pm by sinkspur »
Roy Moore's "spiritual warfare" is driving past a junior high without stopping.

Offline austingirl

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Re: Why the Worst Get on Top (Hayek)
« Reply #1 on: May 05, 2016, 03:50:53 pm »
Trump is indeed a corrupt crony capitalist and a progressive and he has successfully launched a cult of personality just as Obama did.
Principles matter. Words matter.

Offline sinkspur

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Re: Why the Worst Get on Top (Hayek)
« Reply #2 on: May 05, 2016, 03:51:32 pm »
Trump appeals to the basest, tribalistic instincts of human beings. He plies the reptilian brain with the us/them approach, fosters hatred of others, and ignores the basic tenets of our constitutional system, at least in his pronouncements.
Roy Moore's "spiritual warfare" is driving past a junior high without stopping.

Offline andy58-in-nh

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Re: Why the Worst Get on Top (Hayek)
« Reply #3 on: May 05, 2016, 04:20:05 pm »
While tyrannies may occur through usurpation of power, violent overthrows of established orders or else by a voluntary acquiescence of the public, the modern Kakistocracy is entirely an electoral phenomenon.
"The most terrifying force of death, comes from the hands of Men who wanted to be left Alone. They try, so very hard, to mind their own business and provide for themselves and those they love. They resist every impulse to fight back, knowing the forced and permanent change of life that will come from it. They know, that the moment they fight back, their lives as they have lived them, are over. -Alexander Solzhenitsyn