Author Topic: George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English  (Read 776 times)

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Offline unite for individuality

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George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English
« on: February 18, 2023, 03:38:36 pm »
Happy Presidents' Day!

Posting this seems like a suitable celebration -

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GEORGE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS
"Translated" into modern, commonly spoken English


The following document is a paraphrase of George Washington's farewell address delivered in 1796. The original was written in a very elegant style (often seen in that day) with very long sentences that have very complicated structures, often using words that are rarely used today. Very few people these days would be willing to wade through this difficult reading, in spite of the fact that his observations are so extremely valuable.

To make this precious document more accessible to today's readers, I have "translated" his words into a form that can be more easily understood, especially by today's readers. The original can be found in various locations on the internet. Several can be found by doing a search on the words "George Washington's Farewell." Please feel free to find them, to verify the accuracy of this paraphrase, and to give yourself a good mental workout. George Washington was indeed a very deep thinker, in addition to being a man of outstanding character.

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George Washington's farewell address, in modern phraseology:

Friends and Fellow Citizens: The time to elect another citizen to administer the executive branch of the United States Government is upon us. You must think carefully about such an important decision. I think it is proper that I should advise you that I am firmly resolved to decline being considered for a third term. I think that this will help bring about a more distinct expression of the public voice.

_______

I rejoice that the current state of our Union now enables me to consider retirement, without feeling like I am abandoning my duty or doing anything improper. I am persuaded that you will accept my decision to retire, no matter how well pleased anyone may be with my services, since our country is now doing well. When I first accepted this office, I explained what I thought was required of me. I have fulfilled the trust you placed in me by contributing toward the organization and administration of the Government with the best of intentions, and the best judgment a fallible person could muster. I began this job fully aware of the limits of my qualifications and experience. This awareness, by me as well as perhaps still more by others, has been a strong motive for me to not exalt myself. Every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the relaxation of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. If any circumstances have given special value to my services, they were temporary. I feel consoled in believing that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

_______

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But my concern for your well-being, which will be with me for as long as I live, and my perception of dangers to you, urge me on an occasion like this to offer you my observations. I urge you to consider them solemnly, and review them frequently. I have spent many hours reflecting upon these observations, gathered over a lifetime of experience and study. These observations are all important to your permanent happiness as a people. I offer them to you freely, as you can see in them only the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who cannot possibly be influenced by any personal motive in giving them.

. . .

As much as the love of liberty is a central part of your very being, you don't need me to reinforce or confirm your love.

The unity of government which makes you one people is also now dear to you. And rightfully so, for it is a main pillar of your independence. This unity is the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety and prosperity, and of the very liberty which you so highly prize. It is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters, many pains will be taken, many deceptions will be used, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth. The unity of government is the point in your political fortress that your enemies will most constantly and actively attack. The enemies will be both internal and external. Some attacks will be open, while others will be covert and insidious. It is infinitely important that you remember the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness. You should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it. Make it a habit to think and speak of your Union as the keystone of your safety and prosperity. Preserve the Union with jealous anxiety. Don't even consider anything that would even suggest any possibility of abandoning the Union. Indignantly frown upon the first hint of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to weaken any of the sacred ties which bind together the various parts of our country.

You have every possible reason to do all of the above. Whether you are a citizen by birth or by choice, your country has the right to all of your affections. The name of 'American', which belongs to you, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any other name derived from any part of our country. You all have the same religion, the same manners, the same habits, and the same political principles, with only slight shades of difference among you. You have fought and won together in a common cause. Your independence and liberty were won through joint councils, joint efforts, common dangers, common sufferings, and common successes.

As important as all of the above is, the following considerations are even more essential to your well-being. Here every part of our country finds the strongest reasons to carefully guard and preserve the union of the whole.

The North needs the resources of the South for shipbuilding, commerce and manufacturing. Trade between North and South must be unrestrained, protected by the equal laws of a common Government. The South also benefits from this trade by enjoying more markets for its agriculture and its commerce. The seamen of the North help the South by providing shipping for its goods. The South makes its own contribution to the maritime power of America, and enjoys the protection of a strong Navy, which the South alone could not produce. The East, in trading with the West, already finds markets for the commodities it produces and imports. As transportation improves, this will increase more and more. The West receives from the East the supplies it needs for its growth and comfort. More importantly, the West needs the East to provides markets for its own products, which will help increase the maritime power of the whole country. All of this trade is motivated our unbreakable common interests as one nation. Any other way the West might find to meet its needs, whether by becoming separate, or by connecting itself to any foreign power, would be unnatural, unreliable, immoral, and dangerous.

While then every part of our country feels its own immediate and particular interest in union, all of the parts combined certainly will find in the united mass of means and efforts: greater strength, greater resources, greater security from external danger, and less frequent interruptions of their peace by foreign nations. Far more importantly, each region will benefit from the Union by being spared from conflicts and wars between one another, which so often afflict neighboring countries that are not tied together by the same government. The regions' own rivalries are quite capable of producing wars. But without the Union, the various states' opposing foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would even more stimulate and embitter them against one another. With the Union, the states will avoid the necessity of overgrown military establishments, which are always a threat to liberty under any form of government, and are especially dangerous to the liberty of a republic. For all these reasons, your union must be considered to be a main prop of your liberty. The love of either one should endear you to preserve the other.

_______

Can a common government embrace such a large area? Let's try it and find out. To not even try it because theory says it's impossible would be criminal. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. It has not been proven impossible. Since each part of our country has such strong and obvious reasons to stay united, we must question the patriotism of anyone who would weaken our unity.

When you think about what causes might disturb our union, you have to be seriously concerned about any argument that defines parties by geographical distinctions: Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western. Subversives might try to get you to believe that our different regions have conflicting interests and beliefs. One method that parties use to gain influence in specific districts is to misrepresent the opinions and goals of other districts. No amount of caution is too much in guarding against the jealousies and passions that such misrepresentations inflame. They tend to make people enemies of people who should be bound together by fraternal affection.

_______

A central government is indispensable to the effectiveness and permanency of your union. No alliances between states can ever be an adequate substitute, no matter how strict the alliance. Sooner or later, any alliance will experience infractions and disruptions, just like those that every alliance in history has ever experienced. Being aware of this momentous truth, you have improved upon the Articles of Confederation by the adopting the Constitution, which is better designed than the Articles for an intimate union, and for the effective management of your common interests. You freely chose this Government, without being pressured or intimidated. You adopted it only after full investigation and mature deliberation. (This refers to the Federalist Papers and the Anti-Federalist Papers.) This Government is completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and contains within itself a provision for its own amendment. This Government has a just claim to your confidence and your support. The basic principles of true liberty make it your duty to respect its authority, comply with its laws, and acquiesce in its measures. The basis of our political system is the right of the people to create and to alter the constitution of their government. But the government that exists at any time is a sacred obligation upon all, until it is changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people. The fact that the people have the right to establish their government also means that the people have the duty to obey the government they establish.

_______

To preserve your government and maintain your current well-being, you must not tolerate challenges to the government's authority. You must also carefully resist those who would change its principles by amending it under false pretexts. One method of assault upon the Constitution would be to amend it in ways that impair its proper functioning, thus undermining what cannot be directly overthrown. When considering any amendment, remember that principles that have been proven true throughout history will determine the true nature of a government as much as they will any other human institution. Remember that experience is the surest standard by which to judge the actual tendencies of an existing government. Remember that changing a constitution easily, just because someone proposes some new theory or opinion, exposes the people to perpetual change due to the endless variety of theories and opinions. Remember especially that, to efficiently manage your common interests in such a large country, it is essential that the government have as much vigor as possible without infringing on people's liberty. Such a government, with its powers properly distributed and adjusted, is the surest guardian of liberty. A government is useless if it is too feeble to withstand the schemes of special interests, or too weak to keep each member of society within the limits prescribed by the laws, or too powerless to keep everyone secure in the peaceful enjoyment of their rights of person and property.

I have already told you of the danger of factions, especially those based on geographical differences. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

Unfortunately, this spirit is inherent in human nature. Its root is in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists in one form or another in all governments, under varying degrees of control, but is in the popular forms of government that the spirit of party is the most blatant, and is truly their worst enemy.

_______

Partisanship always distracts the public councils and enfeebles the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; it kindles the animosity of one part against another; it occasionally foments riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find easier access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

Some say that parties in free countries are useful checks on the administration of government, and help keep alive the spirit of liberty. Within certain limits, this is probably true. In monarchies, patriotism might tolerate, if not approve, of the spirit of party. But in elected governments, it is a spirit we should not encourage. The natural tendency is that an elected government will always have at least as much partisanship as it might need. The constant danger of excess makes it necessary that public opinion should always oppose partisanship. It is a fire that cannot be quenched. We must always be vigilant to keep it from breaking loose like wildfire, or it will consume us, instead of just warming us.

Likewise, it is important that public opinion should always compel government officials to confine themselves to their constitutionally authorized duties. No department should ever infringe on the jurisdiction of any other department. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments into one, and thus creates a real despotism in any form of government.

_______

If the people wish to make any changes to the constitutional arrangement of powers, let the change be made by an amendment in the way the Constitution prescribes. Never allow any change by usurpation. Even if it does do some good in one instance, it is the usual weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent that is set by allowing any unlawful exercise of power will always greatly outweigh in permanent evil any good that could possibly come.

Religion and morality are the most essential of all the attitudes and habits that lead to political prosperity. Anyone who would subvert these great pillars of human happiness has absolutely no right to claim to be a patriot. They are the firmest foundations of the duties of men and citizens. Every politician should respect and cherish them just as much as a pious man. A large book could not adequately document their connections to public and private well-being. Ask yourself, "Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation deserts the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?" And be careful about supposing that morality can be maintained without religion. Regardless of how good an influence a refined education might be on a few special minds, reason and experience both make it clear that national morality cannot prevail in the absence of religious principle.

Virtue and morality are the necessary foundation of popular government. This is basically true of every kind of free government. A true friend of popular government will not stand idly by when others try to shake its foundations. Therefore, it is highly important to promote institutions to disseminate knowledge. To the degree a government is influenced by public opinion, it is essential that public opinion be enlightened.

Public credit is a very important source of strength and security. Jealously guard it by using it as sparingly as possible. Avoid the expense of war by cultivating peace. Spending some money to prepare for defense often prevents a far greater expense of fighting off an invasion. Do not accumulate debt. Avoid unnecessary spending. In peacetime, pay off the debts accumulated during the wars that could not be avoided. Don't pass on to our children the burdens we ought to bear.

_______

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality require this conduct. Good policy also requires it. It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and soon to be great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and far too rare example of a people always guided by justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantage which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Is it possible that the Almighty would not connect the permanent well-being of a nation to its virtue? Every noble sentiment requires us to at least try this course of action. Will our vices keep us from even trying?

In carrying out such a plan, what is most essential is that we do not allow ourselves to have permanent dislikes of some nations and passionate attachments for others. Instead, we should cultivate just and amicable feelings toward all nations. The nation that harbors toward another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is to some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or its affection. Either one can lead our nation astray from its duty and its interests. Dislike of one nation toward another makes each one more likely to offend or injure the other, to make big issues of small offenses, and to be haughty and belligerent when accidental or small incidents occur.

Likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. It can lead us to falsely believe that we have a common interest with the favored nation. It can infuse us with the hatreds of the favored nation, and betray us into joining them in their quarrels and wars, without adequate justification. It also leads us to grant privileges to the favored nation that we deny to others. This doubly injures our nation by granting a favor we should have kept, and by inciting jealousy, hatred, and a desire to retaliate in other nations to whom we did not grant the privilege. It also gives to ambitious, corrupt, or deluded citizens of our country the opportunity to betray our nation with impunity. Such traitors, who take it upon themselves to do favors for the favored nation, do not receive the public scorn they deserve, and may even receive public approval! Their immoral or foolish motives of ambition, corruption, or infatuation are given undue honor with the appearance of virtue, popularity, or laudable zeal for public good.

_______

I implore you to believe me, fellow citizens, a free people need to be constantly on guard against the insidious wiles of foreign influence. History and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most dangerous foes of republican government. To be useful, this watchfulness must be impartial, or it will become the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it.

Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those who harbor these feelings to see danger on only one side, and to fail to see malicious intent on the other. In fact, such partiality can even lead our own citizens to endorse the very acts of foreigners who are trying to take advantage of us! True patriots, who oppose the intrigues of the favored foreigners, will be hated and regarded with suspicion. Those of our people who have become agents of the foreigners or have been duped by them ("useful idiots") receive the undeserved approval of our people, and con the people into surrendering their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, while we may trade with them, we should have with them as little political connection as possible. Whatever agreements we have already made should be fulfilled in good faith. But let us go no further.

Europe has its own set of interests which have very little to do with us, and is engaged in frequent controversies in which we have no interest. Therefore, it would be unwise of us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the fickleness of its politics or its constantly shifting alliances and rivalries.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, in the not too distant future we will become virtually immune to external annoyance. We will become powerful enough to force all nations to respect our neutrality. Belligerent nations will not dare to provoke us, being unable to capture any part of our country. We will be able to choose peace or war, however our interests, guided by justice, may counsel.

Why should we forego the advantages of our special situation? Why would we abandon our own interests to join some foreign nation in their conquest? Why should we, by tying ourselves to any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the striving of European ambition, rivalry, interests, or irresponsibility?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any part of the foreign world, so far as we are at liberty to do. I consider it unthinkable to be unfaithful to existing agreements. The following maxim applies to public affairs just as much as it does to private affairs: honesty is always the best policy. So let us keep our existing agreements in their genuine sense. But I think it is unnecessary and unwise to extend the agreements.

We should always take care to maintain a strong defensive posture. It would be okay to make temporary alliances in the event of extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony and plentiful trade and travel with all nations are good things from the standpoints of policy, interest, and humaneness. Our trade policies should be equal and impartial, neither seeking or granting special favors or preferences. Trade should be allowed to develop freely, following its natural course. The streams of commerce should be spread wide and various by gentle means, but nothing should be forced. We should trade and do business with all countries that are willing. Commonly accepted customs, which are agreed upon by both countries, should govern the rules of trade. This is to define the rights of merchants and to give trade a stable course. This will enable the Government to support the merchants' rights in case of any dispute. We should reserve the right to change or abandon the rules temporarily, as experience and circumstances may show to be necessary.

Remember that it is foolish for one nation to expect any other nation to grant a favor without expecting something in return. Whatever favors we accept will obligate us to the other nation, thus taking away a portion of our independence. Even after we have returned a favor, the other nation might still reproach us with ingratitude for not giving more. The biggest mistake we could make would be to rely on favors from any other country. Experience will cure you of this illusion; taking responsibility for our own interests will prevent us from having the illusion to begin with.

_______

As I review the events of my Administration, I am unaware of any intentional error. Being fully aware of my own human imperfection, I have to figure that I have probably committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to prevent or reduce the evils to which my faults may lead. I hope that my country will forgive any errors I have made. I also hope that, after serving my country with an upright zeal for the last forty-five years, my faults will be consigned to oblivion, just as I must soon be consigned to the mansions of rest.

I eagerly anticipate returning to my home, relying on its kindness, and motivated by my fervent love for it, which is so natural to a man who sees in it his own roots and his descendants for several generations. I am looking forward to my retirement, in which I expect the undiluted pleasure of living among my fellow citizens, enjoying the blessings of good laws under a free government -- the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward of all our mutual cares, labors and dangers.

Geo. Washington.

_______

If all mankind minus one, were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion,
mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind.
   -- John Stuart Mill

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Online Bigun

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Re: George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English
« Reply #1 on: February 18, 2023, 03:52:53 pm »
Quote
Religion and morality are the most essential of all the attitudes and habits that lead to political prosperity. Anyone who would subvert these great pillars of human happiness has absolutely no right to claim to be a patriot.

 :amen:
"I wish it need not have happened in my time," said Frodo.

"So do I," said Gandalf, "and so do all who live to see such times. But that is not for them to decide. All we have to decide is what to do with the time that is given us."
- J. R. R. Tolkien

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Re: George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English
« Reply #2 on: February 19, 2023, 05:46:22 am »
Quote
One method of assault upon the Constitution would be to amend it in ways that impair its proper functioning, thus undermining what cannot be directly overthrown.

i.e., the 17th Amendment.
How God must weep at humans' folly! Stand fast! God knows what he is doing!
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Of all tyrannies, a tyranny sincerely exercised for the good of its victims may be the most oppressive. It would be better to live under robber barons than under omnipotent moral busybodies. The robber baron's cruelty may sometimes sleep, his cupidity may at some point be satiated; but those who torment us for our own good will torment us without end for they do so with the approval of their own conscience.

C S Lewis

Offline Right_in_Virginia

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Re: George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English
« Reply #3 on: February 19, 2023, 05:49:30 am »
Quote
Europe has its own set of interests which have very little to do with us, and is engaged in frequent controversies in which we have no interest.

Therefore, it would be unwise of us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the fickleness of its politics or its constantly shifting alliances and rivalries.




« Last Edit: February 19, 2023, 05:52:53 am by Right_in_Virginia »

Offline Right_in_Virginia

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Re: George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English
« Reply #4 on: February 19, 2023, 05:52:15 am »
Quote
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, in the not too distant future we will become virtually immune to external annoyance.

We will become powerful enough to force all nations to respect our neutrality. Belligerent nations will not dare to provoke us, being unable to capture any part of our country.

We will be able to choose peace or war, however our interests, guided by justice, may counsel.

Offline Right_in_Virginia

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Re: George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English
« Reply #5 on: February 19, 2023, 05:54:27 am »
Thank you for posting this @unite for individuality

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Re: George Washington's Farewell Address in modern English
« Reply #6 on: February 19, 2023, 02:49:48 pm »
"I wish it need not have happened in my time," said Frodo.

"So do I," said Gandalf, "and so do all who live to see such times. But that is not for them to decide. All we have to decide is what to do with the time that is given us."
- J. R. R. Tolkien