Worth pondering . . .
. . . Moore’s eventual loss to Jones is a mere sampling of what the Republican
party should expect if it can’t find a way to resolve the tension between its established political
leadership, its voters, and the hard-right strategists such as [Steve] Bannon, who appear willing
to burn the party down to achieve their own ends.
It is blessedly rare for a candidate to be credibly accused of sexually assaulting underage women
— and those accusations against Moore undoubtedly played a tremendous role in Jones’s ultimate
win. But Moore was a highly unfit candidate even before those allegations emerged, and yet he
somehow made it through two rounds of primary voting unscathed, and, until mid November,
was well positioned to end up in the Senate.
One key takeaway from this debacle is the need for voters to become more invested in the primary
process. In the August GOP primary, just 18 percent of voters turned out, and in the September
runoff that percentage dropped to 14. Roy Moore has never been intensely popular among Alabama
Republicans, but those who didn’t like him clearly didn’t show up to vote for his primary opponents.
---Alexandra DeScantis, National Review
Roy Moore always looked like he was going to make it past the first round of the GOP primary.
However, rather than trying to ally with the populist-but-electable Mo Brooks, establishment-aligned
forces such as the Senate Leadership Fund spent buckets of money attacking Brooks. Moreover, the
establishment also convinced President Trump to endorse Luther Strange. The strategy was clear:
Kneecap Brooks in order to have Strange cruise to victory in a Strange-Moore runoff. In the short term,
it was successful. Polls taken between August 8 and 10 (before the Trump endorsement could be fully
felt) had Strange ahead of Brooks by only a few points. By the August 15 primary, however, Brooks was
decisively beaten. (Trump’s endorsement couldn’t lift Strange all the way to the nomination, but it did
likely help him beat Brooks.)
However, as Tuesday’s results show, that strategy didn’t quite work out over the long term. Heading
into 2018, the Republican establishment might at times need to compromise with populist upstarts.
That might include supporting them in primaries or trying to offer them support for alternative races
(for instance, there are a few open Republican-leaning House seats that Kelli Ward could run for).
Meanwhile, populists are going to need to start vetting their candidates more seriously. There were
plenty of warning signs that Roy Moore would be a vulnerable candidate in the general election.
Supporting someone just because they inspire “librul tears†can be a counterproductive electoral
strategy. It also might not be the best political strategy. The fact that someone is shocking doesn’t
mean he can draft legislation, persuade the body politic, or forge a legislative coalition. And it certainly
doesn’t mean he can win elections.
---Fred Bauer, National Review